印顺导师思想之理论与实践·学术会议论文集：佛教、妇女与公民社会在台湾(戴爱莲)

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 印顺导师思想之理论与实践·学术会议论文集：佛教、妇女与公民社会在台湾(戴爱莲)

 　　Elise Anne DeVido(戴爱莲)：佛教、妇女与公民社会在台湾(第四届印顺导师思想之理论与实践－－「人间佛教‧薪火相传」学术研讨会文章)

　　Buddhism, Women, and Civil Society in Taiwan

　　佛教、妇女与公民社会在台湾

　　Elise Anne DeVido(戴爱莲)

　　(中文版翻译请参看《佛教、妇女与公民社会在台湾》)

　　Introduction

　　As is well known, since the mid-1980s, Taiwan has experienced a large-scale religious revival, not only within the traditional popular religious sphere, but also within institutionalized Buddhism and Daoism. This profound cultural phenomenon, heretofore overshadowed by worldwide scholarly and media attention to Taiwan's economic and political developments, deserves attention in its own right. One striking aspect of Taiwan's religious efflorescence is the rapid development of Buddhist nuns, unprecedented in world history. The present number of fully ordained nuns and monks number about 30,000, with nuns constituting about 75% of this cleric population. This statistic is the one commonly cited by scholars of monastic Buddhism in Taiwan, based on field work observations and by estimating annual ordination records. It is an extremely difficult task to gather and verify statistics about Taiwan's Buddhist monastics and their communities and activities, especially for the period after the end of martial law, 1986 [1]

　　I submit that Taiwan has become the heartland of the Mahayana monastic world, not only because of its open environment conducive to the development of Buddhist doctrine, practice, and autonomous monastic communities, but in particular, Taiwan has become a center for female Buddhist novitiates, Asian and non-Asian, from all Buddhist traditions (Theravadin, Tibetan, Zen) to receive training and full ordination which does not exist elsewhere, not even in India, due to male monastic opposition over the centuries. For example, female monastics (both Asian and non-Asian) of the Tibetan Buddhist tradition are widely known as "Buddhist nuns;" however, they are in fact "novices," (sramanerika), not fully ordained nuns, unless their lamas grant them permission to become ordained by Taiwanese or other Chinese monastics. For over fifteen years, the D_Lama has advocated the establishment of a fully ordained nuns' order within Tibetan Buddhism, and sent a special envoy to Taiwan in November 1997 to investigate the Taiwanese system. Whether any concrete progress has been made still remains to be seen.

　　Thus, the impact of the Buddhist Renaissance in Taiwan, and in particular the contributions made by female monastics, are profound: not only will Taiwanese institutionalized Buddhism continue to transform and invigorate world Buddhism, but also this Buddhist renaissance, inspired by the mission to create a "Pure Land on Earth," through its notable contributions to charitable and philanthropic causes, secular and spiritual education, publishing, mass media, the arts, environmentalism, opposition to nuclear power, animal rights, and disaster relief, plays a crucial role in the construction of a civil society in post-authoritarian Taiwan.

　　This means that Buddhism here not only guides the Taiwanese to ponder spiritual, philosophical, and ethical questions, but also Buddhism here has promoted the values of community involvement and volunteerism in Taiwan. Buddhist organizations have fostered a concern for the commonweal, for the greater good of society that is new to the traditionally family-oriented Chinese ethics of Taiwan.

　　Lastly, the preponderance of women, both monastic and lay, in these developments is at once a product of the liberalization of traditional gender roles in Taiwan since the 1970s, and, is itself a force that is creating more diverse life opportunities and choices for women in Taiwan. However, whether and how the phenomenon of Taiwan's Buddhist nuns can be explained via the categories and theories of "feminism" is a complex enterprise, and will be discussed further below.

　　Oddly, as yet there are no full-length monographs on Taiwanese Buddhist nuns in Chinese, English, or any other language, though it is the subject of ongoing doctoral research in Taiwan and abroad. Recently as well, scholars of religion in Taiwan such as Ven Chao Hwei, Jiang Canteng, Lu Huei-syin, Yang Hui-nan, Li Yuzhen, and Chen Meihua, have published numerous works, and participated in conferences organized by Buddhist seminaries, on this subject.

　　Charles B. Jones' path-breaking book, Buddhism in Taiwan: Religion and the State, 1660-1990 (1999) gives an excellent overview of Buddhism in Taiwan, and as such, it does not concentrate on Buddhist nuns in particular, though he notes "the vitality of the nun's order [in Taiwan] after 1952." [2]

　　Indeed, in both written accounts and in interviews, nuns often speak of how Taiwan is the tiankong (literally, "heaven; "the firmament,") for Buddhism and in particular, for nuns. I translated this as "infinite worlds" for two reasons: first, to indicate Taiwan is a free and open space for Buddhist nuns' development; second, because there is not simply one "ideal type" of Buddhist nun in Taiwan; significant differences exist.

　　For this paper, I have drawn upon the following sources: interviews with a number of female monastics and scholars of Taiwan Buddhism; a phone survey of all officially-registered Buddhist monasteries in Taipei; Chinese primary and secondary sources; and the few English sources on Buddhism in Taiwan, and women in Buddhism as a global movement.

　　Major Factors

　　Many factors have contributed to the fact that Taiwan has the greatest number of fully ordained Buddhist nuns in the world and why institutional Buddhism was able to take root so quickly in Taiwan:

　　A. Taiwan's heritage: the "vegetarian women" sects (Buddhist-inspired popular religious sects) in the Qing dynasty and during the Japanese colonial period, 1895-1945, as well as Japanese Buddhist developments in Taiwan. The majority of these women were laypersons, not fully ordained nuns, and if so, were most likely ordained in the Japanese tradition. At any rate, Taiwan had a large pool of women "Buddhist" believers, many of whom became fully ordained in the Chinese tradition after 1952.

　　B. The Cult of Guanyin in Taiwan: "The Bodhisattava is continually smiling, calm, and quiet, gentle and soft like a mother who never rests from her duties." (Yang Liling, Rensheng (Humanity) March 2002, No. 223, page 62) Generations of women and men in Taiwan grew up praying to Guanyin for divine aid in many life situations. They may have read popular biographies of Guanyin which also offer advice on how to put up with, ren'nai , family and emotional problems. As Chun-fang Yu has written: "The cult of Guanyin did indeed serve Confucian family values," did not challenge the socio-political status quo and thus could flourish in Taiwan.[3].(Yu Chun-fang, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara , [ New York: Columbia University Press, 2001] p. 494)

　　C. Overall high level of co-education in Taiwan (compared with other nations with a Buddhist heritage) ever since the promulgation of public schools during the Japanese period, and especially after post 1949 modernization of the education system (a compulsory, universal, nine-year education system)

　　D. The post-1949 situation in which monks newly-arrived from mainland China, being relatively few in number and without contacts in Taiwan, had to rely on and cooperate with Taiwan "nuns" and the extensive networks of female layperson organizations, unless they had political ties with the Nationalists and BAROC.

　　E. The post-1949 situation in which these same monks brought to Taiwan for proselytization the Chinese Mahayana tradition, including the formal monastic rules for monks and nuns, thus beginning the Sinicization and institutionalization of Taiwanese "Buddhism." Under the harrowing conditions of martial law and the "White Terror," these monks often proselytized in secret, and were arrested and silenced unless they had political protection.

　　F. The overall influence of Ven. Yin Shun's Earthly Buddhism doctrines that has modernized and rejuvenated Mahayana~Pure Land Buddhism.

　　G. Following the practice of Catholic and Protestant proselytizing methods among Taiwan's young people, the Buddhists, from the 1960s, began to establish "Study Groups" and scholarships, in vocational schools, high schools and universities, issued popular publications, tapes of instructional lectures and Buddhist sutras, prayers, and songs, etc. Many potential nuns and monks were and are recruited in this way.

　　H. In the 1960s and 1970s, leading monks in Taiwan encouraged the development of the nuns' order, particularly their education and training. Leading Masters like Ven. Yin Shun and Ven. Xing Yun have worked for equal status of monks and nuns in Taiwan, in clear contrast with the situation in other Buddhist countries.

　　I. Dramatic societal transformations in the 1970s and 1980s: This was the period of Taiwan's remarkable and rapid economic take-off; also, Taiwan's citizens gained more freedom to leave the county for tourism and study abroad; end of martial law allowed development of civil society; end of the Ministry of the Interior and BAROC's ability to strictly monitor Taiwan's Buddhist world.

　　J. The influence of "Western" feminism in Taiwan and upon nuns studying abroad (this is complex; some male academics cite this as an "obvious main factor" but the nuns' responses were ambivalent and contradictory, as will be explained in a separate section below)

　　K. Due to the hard efforts over the years of nuns and leading monks sympathetic to their development since the first formal ordination of nuns in 1952, now nuns enjoy a high social position in Taiwan unlike the case historically in China, and play not only active but leadership roles in monastic affairs and society at large, and in education, charity, publishing and mass media. In addition, through sponsorship by her monastery, a nun may have opportunities for pursuing graduate studies both in Taiwan and overseas.

　　When I talked to nuns about these factors, they wished to stress their long years of training, hard work and sacrifices offered for the advancement of this centuries-old Mahayana~Pure Land heritage, rather than credit Taiwan's popular worship of Guanyin, or an imported "Western feminism," or, political maneuvers by the state such as ending martial law, as commonly cited in the analyses of historians and social scientists.

　　Why Become a Nun ?

　　Though some potential nuns may have grown up in so-called "Buddhist" families, this form of worship is in fact properly characterized as Taiwanese "popular religion," often centering on worship of Guan Yin, the Goddess of Mercy. The actual point of entry into the orthodox Buddhist world for many nuns was, as mentioned above, by having previously participated in formal Buddhist "Study Groups" in vocational schools, high schools and universities. The first attraction is religious and idealistic; these young women, from arts and sciences, business, computers, or vocational backgrounds, then hope to pursue more intensive study of Buddhism as a means of self-cultivation, towards the goal of enlightenment: Yi xiuxing wei zhu .

　　As these are young women moving from the secure and highly-protected moorings of the Taiwanese family and the education system into the world, those grappling with personal crises involving identity, family, and relationships also may consider the monastic life, but this type of person will not succeed through the intensive and multi-step process of observation, examination and evaluation which the women must pass through before reaching even the novitiate stage. Other young women drawn to the possibility of the monastic life are those who possess talents in the areas of counseling, medicine, and children's education, while others were already teachers, who felt that they had reached a limit in the significance and effectiveness of their pedagogy, so only religion, and Buddhism in particular, would allow them to explore beyond the limits of secular knowledge. They said that the education they received in Taiwan during the period of martial law lacked any spiritual or critical aspect but rather taught unquestioning devotion to the Chinese nation, to the Three Principles of the People, etc. Encountering Buddhism for these young women was like a great burst of light and air, filling a great intellectual and spiritual void within them. Yet others are considering careers in academia, publishing and other fields of communication, the arts, social work, adult/community education, NGO work, and active social movements, all of which are possible by joining one or another monastic community, each of which stresses its own "mission(s)," zhiye .

　　Another attraction is that monasteries often will sponsor the graduate studies of their nuns, whether in Taiwan or abroad: for some young women, lacking economic means or family encouragement, this would be their only chance to obtain advanced degrees.. However, one need not become a nun in order to develop one's individual career path; one can always remain a lay practitioner of Buddhism. Therefore, the purpose of the extended period of pre-novitiate and novitiate screening process is to identify those who are suited to living and working in a disciplined, communal setting, sworn to celibacy, for a lifetime: those who are primarily dedicated to furthering the interests and missions of one's particular monastery, whose central purpose, no matter what secular form the missions may take, is to propagate the Dharma, the Buddhist teachings, hong fa wei zhu [4]

　　And, before scholars draw hasty conclusions about "Taiwanese nuns" based on observation of high-profile, resource-rich, and socially-engaged monasteries, styled the "mountain-tops," shantou , of "Earthly Buddhism," there are indeed numerous smaller monasteries, many in central and southern Taiwan, outside of major cities, that still attract some young women to join. These monasteries, often with nuns over 50 years of age in central and southern Taiwan, stress the contemplative life; their nuns rarely venture out into society unless they are called to perform traditional Buddhist rituals such as for funerals and the mourning period. Thus, more extensive inquiry into the differences among Taiwan's all-nun monasteries is crucial, in order to ascertain to what extent the "Earthly Buddhism" body of doctrines and practice has now indeed become the mainstream, zhuliu , in the Taiwanese Buddhist world, or, will, in the next generation.

　　The Questions of Femininity and Feminism

　　There are two main questions here: do nuns in Taiwan identify with, or are linked up with, the worldwide Buddhist nun movement (defined as working for strengthening the nun's monastic order and working for equality of nuns with monks), and second, do Taiwanese nuns identify themselves with the feminist movement in Taiwan? (the latter defined as working for equal opportunity for women, improving their legal status and quality of life, etc) In recent years, there has been a movement among nuns from all Buddhist traditions for greater equity within the Buddhist world. The debate centers around the contradictions about the status and nature of women and nuns inherent in Buddhist scripture and historical commentaries, while others in the meantime focus on establishing and strengthening nuns education, training, and full-fledged ordination, which, as mentioned previously, exists only in the Mahayana tradition.

　　In Buddhist scripture and monastic practice, on the one hand, there are such beliefs as "all can reach enlightenment;" "in Buddhahood, there is no gender;" and, both monks and nuns wear similar clothing, are tonsured, and receive burn-marks upon ordination; their "Buddhist" names and titles are not gender-specific. Following historical precedent, one can use the sobriquet "a virtuous man, "da zhangfu , to describe both monks and nuns. And monks and nuns alike (unlike the case in the Catholic Church, for example) have the right to participate in and officiate at Buddhist ceremonies; take disciples; hold the position of "Master;" vote on Buddhist affairs; continue their education; and proselytize.

　　Yet, examples of misogyny and discrimination against nuns may also be cited: Besides negative descriptions of women's "bad karma" and various weaknesses and inclinations to sin that bar them from reaching enlightenment until they are reborn in a man's body, there are also strictures such as: Monks are required to abide by 250 precepts, while nuns must obey 348; male Masters can take both male and female disciples, but female masters only female; and the "Eight Chief Laws" that place nuns in an inferior position to monks.

　　In Taiwan, however, due to the factors discussed earlier in this paper, the nuns' order has flourished in Taiwan, and nuns not only outnumber monks, but also are a leading stratum in Taiwanese civil society. Taiwanese Buddhism plays a central role in the development of the nuns' orders worldwide, by having preserved and furthered the monastic rules and full ordination ceremonies, and building outstanding nun communities.

　　So do they, then, identify with, are congruent with, the Taiwanese feminist movement? One might first draw this conclusion after observing various self-reliant, self-administered communities of highly talented and hard-working women. To see slightly-built Taiwanese women, under the blazing sun, slicing lumber with power tools into kindling for their kitchen ovens, or to notice the great degree of strength and stamina needed to play the drums and bells throughout the long Buddhist morning and evening services, one immediately thinks of the Chinese phrase for a "super-woman," nu qiangren . However, it's not so simple.

　　In my interviews, the Masters repeatedly stressed that the "modernization" and "liberalization" of Taiwan society has opened up more opportunities and choices (pursuit of higher education and career) for young women besides the one path of marriage and family. As they put it, young women can "come out of the kitchen to get an education and become self-reliant; there is no need anymore to rely on one's family and husband." And when I asked newly-ordained nuns why they chose the monastic life, a standard answer was: "In this way, I can contribute my time, energy, and talents to far more people, to society at large, rather than devote myself to my husband, children, and in-laws." [5] So still: the emphasis (at least in these generic statements for public hearing) is on serving others, there must be a utilitarian reason, a rather than a pursuit of spiritual and intellectual self-cultivation for its own sake.

　　And when one probes further, we find that many nuns have essentialist notions of "Chinese" femininity [6]. This is not surprising, since Taiwan nuns are Taiwan women who grew up in Taiwan society, I have found that most women and men here take for granted essentialist notions of gender, these are basically uncontested givens in Taiwanese society. This is due to lingering Confucian ideas about gender traits and roles, together with the mutually reinforcing ideas from Chinese medicine that girls and women are inherently weaker and vulnerable, and made more vulnerable due to the "traumas" and "pollution" of menstruation and childbirth. What a paradox that these notions still persist, despite the outstanding achievements of women in education, business, politics, the professions, and the religious sphere and despite the rapid progress towards gender equality in government policy, law, and public discourse.*

　　When asked why are there so many nuns in Taiwan, one hears:

　　‧Women possess a compassionate and warm heart (Ven. Shan Hui)

　　‧Women are especially suited to undertake the rigorous path of Buddhist studies and training, due to their patience, endurance, and attention to detail (Ven. Ming Jia)

　　‧Due to familial and social expectations thanks to the Confucian legacy, men in Taiwan are under far more pressure to succeed in career and family life, so fewer men than women can choose the monastic life. (Ven. Ming Jia)

　　‧By their nature women are particularly suited as caregivers, and excel in healing and counseling roles. (Master Wu Yin)

　　‧Women are more suited than men to live in communal groups due to their self-effacing, sacrificial nature. (Master Wu Yin)

　　‧Women by nature are inclined to excel in the fields of culture, higher education and scholarship, Buddhist education, and adult/community education. (Ven. Heng Ching)

　　‧Nuns manifest the "steadfast, persevering, hardworking" character of "Taiwanese women." (Master Wu Yin)

　　‧Nuns have succeeded in Taiwan in propagating Buddhism due to their "gentle feminine nature, which makes people feel like they've been bathed by spring winds." (Ven. Chao Hwei)

　　Thus, according to these nuns, their strength lies precisely in "difference." These so-called "feminine traits" such as warmth, compassion, desire for harmony and peace, patience, endurance, sacrifice, correspond to Buddhist ideals, and thus women possess natural advantages over men in the calling to monasticism, in startling contrast with the Theravada and Tibetan traditions, where the so-called female nature is considered to be a serious stumbling block. Somehow, within Chinese Buddhism, the Indo-Tibetan dichotomy of "Female wisdom and male compassion" was inverted to "male wisdom, female compassion," and thus could conform to and affirm traditional Chinese essentialist gender traits. And of course, Avalokitesvara was originally portrayed with male features and bearing, but in China Guanyin came to be portrayed as either an androgynous or a feminine/maternal figure. At the Fo Guang Shan monastery complex in Kaohsiung County, a statue of Guanyin watches over the nuns' dormitory, while a statue of Wenzhu guards over the monks' dormitory.

　　The nuns distinguish the Taiwanese experience from "Western" feminist notions of "self-awareness" and "fighting" for gender equality or the androgyny of liberal feminism. Nor, at least yet, do the nuns' missions converge with the content and goals of the Taiwanese feminist movement: the nuns work for the good of Taiwanese society overall, and do not particularly highlight women's issues, except of course, the quest to realize women's higher education, and helping women realize their individual potentials. So far, few are the nuns like 释昭慧 and 释性广 who have called themselves 佛教的女性主义者.

　　It is likely that in the future, as the older generation of nuns who were ordained in the 1950s, '60s and '70s become less active, the under-40 generation might very well align themselves closer with the Taiwanese feminist movement. Some younger nuns and novitiates have backgrounds in women's studies and many have study abroad experiences. Much depends upon the definition and direction of the Taiwan feminist movement. At present, we can discern two general trends in international feminism: first, liberal feminism which hopes to promote gender equality by de-emphasizing gender differences, emphasizing universal "human" nature; second, the feminism of difference, which celebrates so-called "feminine" traits like nurturance, harmony, compassion, selflessness, cooperation, communication, being "other-centered," and hopes to globally promote these traits in state and society in order to counter so-called "male" attributes such as aggression, alienation, competition, lack of communication etc.

　　So depending upon your definition of feminism, the efforts of, for example, 慈济功德会 to promote an essentialist notion of female nature, of female as synonymous with Mother, as a self-sacrificing, infinitely patient, compassionate nurturer of others...this can be seen as conservative and reactionary, or, as progressive, extending heretofore "female traits" of the private sphere into the public sphere, not only empowering heretofore silent women, but also transforming the mindset and actions of both genders in civil society.

　　Conclusion

　　So far I have not precisely defined "civil society" which in Chinese may be translated as 文明社会, 市民社会, or 公民社会. The third term is the one which perhaps most closely resembles the classic definition "of a sphere of autonomous individual activity, independent from both the state and the fetters of older kinship and feudal ties..." a sphere including "the bourgeoisie" and private "civil organizations." [7]

　　Civil society "plays a linking and mediating role...between state and society, primarily to control or provide a counter-poise to the state." [8] Debates rage over whether "civil society" is a phenomenon peculiar to 18th-19th century Europe and post-Communist Eastern Europe and Soviet Union, or, is a universal feature of all democratic societies; also, whether China historically had a civil society and whether Taiwan (or any other contemporary society!) has one now. (See Alternate Civilities: Democracy and Culture in China and Taiwan , by Robert P. Weller, Westview Press, 1999 and Civil Society in China , ed. by Timothy Brook and B. Michael Frolic, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1997.)

　　For the moment, it is helpful to consider the Robert P. Weller's perceptive comments on the role of women and of Buddhism in creating a distinct type of civil society in Taiwan, an "alternate civility": "Civil society is usually...associated with voluntary choices of autonomous individuals, rather than pre-existing community ties of some sort" (Weller, p. 139) But civil society in Taiwan, though influenced by foreign and international trends as well, has been built on "local social capital, especially (as) organized through religion, kinship, and political factions." (Weller, p 140) Women in Taiwan have contributed greatly to the emergence of this civil society, for they ('in a different voice') "consistently take leading roles in the informal sector, pushing at the boundaries of local association, and creating the armature of potential political changes." (Weller, p. 140)

　　Weller stresses that "one striking characteristic of religious developments in both China and Taiwan has been the public role of women," no more obvious than in the Buddhist renaissance in which both nuns and laywomen play important roles. Not all religions groups and temples act like civil organizations, but Weller believes that new Buddhist organizations do, because they look "to universalizing sets of moral values, defining new kinds of communities no longer based on local geography." (Weller, pp.88, 93, 140)

　　Finally, speaking of "civil society," how are Taiwan Buddhist groups related to the international "Engaged Buddhism" Movement led by Thich Nhat Hanh, et al, that emerged from developments in Vietnamese Buddhism since the 1960s but also was directly inspired by the Chinese Buddhist reformers Vens. Tai Xu and Yin Shun? ("Engaged Buddhism" in Vietnamese is nhap gian phat giao, the transliteration of 人间佛教 ! ) This is a topic that deserves further inquiry.

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　　注释：

　　[1] Before 1986, all religious groups had to register as lawful organizations with the Ministry of the Interior (MOI) while each year the number of newly-ordained nuns and monks were registered with the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC), an official arm of the Nationalist party-state. After 1986, however, monasteries holding annual ordination ceremonies were no longer required to register with BAROC, and the MOI's statistics are vague and do not distinguish institutional Buddhism from the popular religions, let alone relate reliable numbers of ordained clergy. In addition, the monasteries themselves are reluctant to reveal their own statistics. As for mainland China, the Pure Land monastic tradition has been revived in recent years but remains ideologically and institutionally fettered, while the opportunities for monastic education are limited. I have not yet found a number for fully-ordained nuns, only the number 80,000 for total number of monks and nuns (Pure Land Tradition). But I suspect that this number includes students, novitiates, and self-styled "monastics" who are in fact laypersons. I have also been told the following estimates, from a scholar who wishes to remain anonymous until the figures can be proven: 1500 fully ordained nuns in Mainland China; 9805 fully ordained nuns in the world, excluding Taiwan.

　　[2] The American scholar of Buddhism, Yu Junfang, has a Chinese book forthcoming on the Luminary Buddhist temple, the all-nun monastic community and seminary in southern Taiwan noted for its high scholastic standards and rigorous monastic training process.

　　[3] I interviewed Master Wu Yin, head of the Luminary Buddhist Seminary; Ven. Ming Jia, of Jiayi, their nun disciples, Ven. Heng Ching, professor of philosophy at National Taiwan University; Ven. Jien Shen, professor of education at Hsuan Chuang University; Ven. Shan Hui of the Chien Kuang Temple; Vens. Guang Guo and Xianyue of the Ling Jiu Mountain Monastery; Prof. Jiang Canteng, Prof.Lu Huei-syin, and Professor Li Yuchen. Many thanks to Dr. Dominique Tyl of Fu Jen University's Socio-cultural Research Center who carried out a phone survey of Buddhist temples.

　　[4] Though each monastery must obey the Vinaya for general guidance, the details about daily operations, fiscal and personnel administration, and long-term missions are decided by each Master and disciples. Monastic education and training is also based on the Vinaya, but the actual courses of study, length of novitiate period, selection process, etc, is also decided by each monastery. Each monastery is an autonomous authority unto itself, according to the principles of "self-regulation, self-examination," zilu, ziqing. Each monastery forms its own customary laws as well as Constitution and By-laws (mufa, zifa, literally, Mother and Child laws) usually reached through group consensus. This aspect of monastic life deserves further inquiry, especially because the requirements of the modern world demand modification to, or liberal interpretation of, the Vinaya.

　　[5] Even if this is a generic answer that echoes their Master's voice, we should not dismiss the kernel of authenticity that may lie within.

　　[6] Here arises another thorny problem: due to different historical influences, we should examine the definitions of "femininity" and "feminism" in the two contexts of Taiwan and mainland China.

　　[7] Robert P. Weller, Alternate Civilities: Democracy and Culture in China and Taiwan, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1999, p.14.

　　[8] Timothy Brook and B. Michael Frolic, Civil Society in China, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1997, p.9.

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　　【中译】

　　如所周知 ，从一九八○年代中期以来，台湾经历了一个大规模的宗教复兴运动，它不只是传统的民间宗教的复兴，同时也发生在佛教及道教内部。因为先前国际媒体及学界将注意力放在台湾经济与政治的发展，所以往往忽略了这个深刻的变化。这一波宗教运动的情形可以拿一个例子来说明——比丘尼数量大幅增加。现在台湾正式的僧侣的数量大约是三万，而其中比丘尼就占有百分之七十五左右，这个数目是由田野研究的观察以及每年剃度记录综合而来，最常为研究台湾佛教史的学者所引用。但事实上，想要对台湾寺院还有它们的社群与活动进行精确的统计是非常困难的，尤其是戒严解除(一九八六年)之后这一段时期。[9]

　　台湾已经成为大乘佛教的心脏地带，这不只是因为它的环境开放，所以佛教教义、佛教社群得以发展，更主要的是台湾是亚洲及亚洲以外，所有佛教传统的女性修道院之中心，人们可以在这里被剃度，而这在其他地方，像西藏，是无法得到的。因为那些地方几个世纪以来男性僧侣反对这么做。譬如说，藏传佛教中的许多女性出家人，常常被当作是合格的比丘尼，但事实上，她们只是sramanerika，不是比丘尼，除非她们的喇嘛准许她们接受台湾，大陆或韩国僧侣的剃度，才能算是合格。

　　所以，台湾的佛教复兴运动，尤其是女性出家人的贡献，是非常深远的。不但台湾的佛教组织将继续为世界佛教界注入活力，同时，她们为了实现人间净土的理想所从事的慈善救济、世俗与精神的教化、出版、传播、艺术、环境生态、反核、动物权、灾难救济等的显著成绩，也使得她们为后威权时代的台湾在建立公民社会的努力扮演了重要的角色。

　　这是说，佛教不只引领台湾人民去思考探索精神层次的、哲学层次的、伦理层次的问题，同时也推展了社群意识与义工精神，佛教组织孕育了一种对公义及社会公益的关怀，这对以传统中国伦理为主的、以家庭为核心价值的台湾而言，是很新的事情。

　　在这一波宗教复兴运动中，不管是出家或在家的女性信众都扮演了领导性角色，这是一九七○年代以来对传统性别角色的解放的产物，同时也为台湾女性的未来开启了更多元的人生机会与选择的路。不过，这个现象是否能够用「女性主义」的理论来加以解释是相当值得讨论的。

　　奇怪的是，在英文或其他语言的著作中，都尚未出现有关台湾比丘尼的专书，我们所知道的是目前在台湾及海外有一些相关的博士论文正在撰写。此外，台湾的宗教学者，像释昭慧、江灿腾、卢蕙馨、杨惠南、李玉珍、陈美华，也已经出版了许多的著作，其中有不少涉及这个主题。他们也参加了许多这方面的讨论会。

　　查尔斯．琼思(Charles B. Jones)在他那本具有开创性的书Buddhism in Taiwan: Religion and the State, 1660-1990中对台湾的佛教有一个很好的综观，在书中他谈到一九五二年以后台湾女性出家众的活力，可惜，他并未特别讨论台湾女性出家人。

　　不管在文字叙述或访问中，台湾的比丘尼经常谈到台湾是佛教的天空，尤其是女性出家人的天空。因为两个理由，把「天空」译成infinite worlds——无限的世界；第一，表示对于女性出家人而言，台湾是一个自由而开放的空间。第二，表示台湾的女性出家人并不只有一种「理想类型」(ideal type)，而是有许许多多差异性存在。

　　我主要是依据下述材料写成这篇文章：我对一批比丘尼及佛教史学者的访问、对台北市所有经过正式登记注册的佛教道场的电话访问、中文的一手和二手著作，还有一些有关台湾佛教、及女性与全球佛教运动的英文著作。[10]

　　一、主要因素

　　有许多因素可以解释为什么台湾拥有全世界最多合格剃度的比丘尼，以及佛教组织何以能那么迅速地在本地生根。第一，在清代以及日本统治期间(一八九五～一九四五)，有大量的素食妇女斋姑，日本佛教团体在台湾也相当活跃，这些斋姑大多是俗众，并未剃度，但即使如此，她们之间也可能被以日本佛教的方式剃度。无论如何，台湾存在着大量的女性俗众，在一九五二年之后她们之中有许多人以中国佛教的方式剃度了。

　　第二，台湾的观音信仰。〈菩萨总是微笑、沈静、温和、柔软，像一个从不休息的母亲〉(杨丽珍，《人生》，2002年3月，二二三期，页62)，代代以来，台湾的百姓在许多不同的人生情境中向观音膜拜、祈求保佑。他们也可能阅读过各式各样有关观音的故事，那些故事中劝人遭遇到家庭及个人的困难时应该忍耐。余均芳这样写着：「观音信仰其实为儒家的家庭价值提供解释。」这种信仰并未挑战社会政治的现状，因而能够在台湾流行。(Chun-fang Yu, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara, 〔New York: Columbia University Press, 2001〕p. 493)

　　第三，从日据时代以来，台湾便建立了男女同校的教育系统，尤其是一九四九年以后，教育系统的现代化(像九年的义务教育)，使得男女受教育的比例非常之高。

　　第四，一九四九年从大陆渡海来台的僧侣，因为数量不多，而且与本地社会没有多少关系，除非他们与国民党或是中国佛教协会有联系，否则这些僧侣必须与本地的女性出家人及广大的在家女信众的组织合作。

　　第五，一九四九年渡海来台的僧侣带来了中国的大乘佛教传统，包括比丘、比丘尼的规约，他们开始将台湾的佛教中国化、建制化。在戒严及白色恐怖时期，这些僧侣通常是秘密地进行宣教，如果他们没有政治力量的保护，动辄会被压制或逮捕。

　　第六，印顺法师宣扬「人间佛教」大幅地振兴了大乘净土的佛教传统。

　　第七，从一九六○年代开始，佛教界开始学习天主教与基督教吸引信徒的方法，在职校、高中、大学成立了大量的社团及奖学金，并刊发了大量的通俗读物、佛经、佛曲，及讲解教义的录音带和录影带等。以这些方式吸引了许多新的僧侣。

　　第八，在一九六○及七○年代，一些具领导地位的高僧提倡比丘尼的教育与训练，像印顺法师、星云法师，大力鼓吹男、女僧侣之平等地位。这与其他国家佛教世界的情形是相反的。

　　第九，一九七○及八○年代台湾社会的急迅变化：一方面是经济起飞，二方面是老百姓能自由地进出国门并到各地旅行、游学，三方面是解除戒严之后民间社会的发展，以及内政部和中国佛教协会对台湾佛教界的控制的减除，都对台湾佛教的发展有深刻的影响。

　　第十，西方的女性主义对台湾社会之影响，以及比丘尼出国念书。(这个问题比较复杂。有些男性学者认为这是一个「主要的因素」，但是女性出家人对这一点的反应相当矛盾，相当迟疑。这一点等一下还会谈到。)

　　第十一，从一九五二年第一个比丘尼正式剃度以来，在过去几十年中，大量比丘尼努力工作，一些具领导地位的高僧对她们产生同情，现在比丘尼在台湾社会中享有相当高的社会地位，而且在佛教界以及像教育、出版、大众传播等世俗事务中，扮演着领导性角色，这与她们在传统中国的地位完全不同。

　　当我与许多比丘尼谈及上述种种因素时，她们比较愿意强调她们长年的努力、训练，还有她们为了实践几个世纪以来大乘净土的理想所作的牺牲奉献，而比较不认为是台湾的观音信仰、西方女性主义的影响、或是政府终止戒严法等常常在各种专家学者的研究中被提到的因素。

　　二、「为什么成为比丘尼？」

　　虽然有些出家的女性是从传统佛教家庭出来的——这些家庭所信奉的其实是通俗宗教，拜观音是主要的活动。但是事实上，许多后来出家的女性参加过学校的佛教学习团体。这些青年人，不管是学艺术、科学、企管、电脑、或是具有职业背景，最初多是被宗教性以及理想性所吸引，希望透过研习佛学而能找到一种因修身而达到启悟的路子。

　　还有许多年轻女性在离开层层呵护的家庭及学校而走入社会时，面临了自我认同、家庭、社会关系等种种危机，可能会想出家。不过这一类型的人还要通过寺院见习阶段的种种严格的观察、考验与评估。

　　有些倾向寺院生活的年轻女性是那些具有谘商、医疗以及教导幼儿的才能的人，还有一些是教师，她们觉得自己已经面临一些人生重大的瓶颈，只有宗教，尤其是佛教，可以让她们探寻一个在世俗知识以上的境界。她们通常不满意过去在戒严时期所受的教育，认为那个时代的教育缺乏精神性以及批判精神，只是教导人们如何尽忠党国及三民主义。接触到佛教，使这些年轻女性觉得自己好像接触到光与热、填补了智慧与精神上的空虚。有些人则是觉得如果脱离家庭进入寺院，同时可以完成其他的志业，像从事研究、出版、传播、艺术、社会工作、教育、非营利工作、社会运动等等，一举两得。

　　另外一个吸引人的原因是，佛教组织经常资助女性出家人读研究所或出国深造，对那些没有充足的经济资源或家庭支持的人，这是她们得到更高学位的唯一机会。不过，无论如何，人们并不需要成为比丘尼才能追求她自己的志业，作个俗家弟子还是可以达到她们的目标。所以，见习前与见习期间的严格考验，是为了筛选出那些可以过着纪律的、集体静坐、独身的清修生活的人。不管僧侣们所从事的是那一种世俗的活动，但其目的都是为了弘扬佛法。

　　学者总是把注意力放在那些经济实力雄厚、社会声望高的佛教组织(也就是所谓的「山头」)，并根据这方面的研究对台湾佛教径下论断。但是事实上，我们还应注意到台湾还有无数的小道场，它们远离城市的活动，但还是吸引了许多年轻女性加入。这些寺院通常是由五十岁以上的比丘尼所主持，强调的是冥修生活，除了被请去主持丧葬仪式外，她们很少介入社会活动。所以深入探讨寺院之间的差异性是非常重要的，藉此可以确定「人间佛教」到底在何种程度上可以说已经成为、或将成为台湾佛教的主流。

　　三、有关女性特质与女性主义问题

　　这里准备探讨两个主要的问题：第一，台湾的女性出家人究竟能不能算是世界性的女性出家人运动中一环？(这股运动强调的是加强女性出家人在佛教世界中的角色及男、女僧侣之平等地位。)第二，台湾的女性出家人是否认同台湾的女性主义运动？(这个运动主要强调男女平权等议题。)

　　最近几年，世界各地的女性出家人有一股要求男女平权的运动，争论的焦点之一是佛教经典及注释中隐含着歧视女性的意识，争论的焦点之二是强调女性出家人的教育、训练以及完全剃度的权力(前面提到，这只存在于大乘佛教的传统)。

　　在佛教经典与实践中，从一方面说，确实提到不论是男是女，众生皆有佛性，众生皆可顿悟，而且比丘与比丘尼穿着相似的衣服，也都剃光了头，头上都有戒疤，他／她们的法号也没有性别之分，甚至像「大丈夫」这样的称谓，可以用于比丘，也可以用于比丘尼，而且在佛教仪式中，不管男性或女性僧侣皆可以参与或主持，他／她们也都可以收信徒，都可以成为住持，可以在佛教事务上投票等。

　　但是在另一方面却也出现不少厌恶女性或歧视女性的例子，除了负面的描述女性为有「恶业」，或是认为除非女性　reborn in a man's body，她们不可能真正开悟。甚至还有一些歧视性的规定，像比丘被要求要守二五○条戒，而比丘尼则要守三四八条戒；男住持可以兼收男、女弟子，而女住持只能收女弟子，在八敬法中，比丘尼的位阶比比丘低等等。

　　即使如此，因为有前述的十一种因素，台湾的女性出家人社群仍高度发展，比丘尼的数目字仍是超过比丘，而且形成台湾公民社会的领导层。由于台湾保留而且进一步推展了女性出家的规定与仪式，建立了杰出的比丘尼社群，台湾的佛教在全世界女性出家社会中，扮演一个核心的角色。

　　那么，她们是否认同于台湾的女性主义运动甚至与之合流？有些人在观察了一些能干的女性所组的社群，可能会说「是」。看到妇女在烈日当空下辛勤工作，或是看到她们早晚间敲钟打鼓所表现的体力与耐力，可能会马上用「女强人」来形容她们，但事实上并不那么简单。

　　在我的访谈过程中，我发现许多大师会强调，台湾社会的现代化与解放，开启了更多元的机会与选择，使得妇女不必然只能走婚姻与家庭一条路。他们说，从此妇女可以「走出厨房接受教育，自我独立，不必再倚靠自己的丈夫和家庭」。当我问新近比丘尼她们为何选择寺院生活时，她们会答说：「这样，我可以不只是服侍丈夫、孩子、亲威，而是贡献更多的时间、精力、才能给更多的人和社会。」所以，重点仍然是服务他人。除了自我的心灵追求与修身之外，还有一个功利的理由。

　　当我再追问下去时，会发现许多比丘尼有一个根本的中国式的女性观点。这并不令人觉得奇怪，既然她们都生于台湾社会，长于台湾社会，她们很自然地会把社会中的性别观点当作天经地义。由于儒家文化的影响，又加上中医理论的强化，她们相信女性天生就是柔弱的、体质上易受伤寒的、月经及生产使得她们更加脆弱。即使是大量女性在教育、事业、政治、各种职场上及宗教活动上取得了卓越的成就之后，即使在男女平权的观点日益兴盛并且落实在政策、法律及公共意见之后，人们仍旧秉持这样的想法。

　　当人们问到，为何台湾有这么多比丘尼时，我们会听到比丘尼们这样说：

　　．妇女比较有同情心。

　　．因为妇女比较有耐心、有耐力、能注意细节，所以她们比较能通过严格的佛教训练。

　　‧因为儒家文化中对男性成家立业有所期待，所以男性有较大的压力要为工作及家庭奋斗，所以男性出家的人数比女性少。

　　‧在天性上，妇女比较适合于关怀照顾，而且比较能胜任心理谘商、心理治疗方面的工作。

　　‧女性更适合于社群生活，因为她们比较不突显自己，比较能牺牲自我。

　　‧女性天生上比较适合从事文化、教育、佛教教育等方面的工作。

　　‧比丘尼展现了台湾妇女「坚定、自持、辛勤工作」的特质。

　　‧在台湾社会，比丘尼之所以能比较成功地宣扬佛教，是因为她们特有的「温和的女性特质，使得人们有如沐春风的感觉」。

　　依照上述的陈述，人们可以发现，台湾女性出家人的长处正在于她们与男人「不同」，这些女性的特质：温暖、慈悲、爱好和谐、有耐心、忍耐、牺牲，与佛教的理想相吻合，所以女性比男性更合适于寺院生活。这种观点与西藏等地的佛教传统完全相反，在那些地方，人们认为女性的特质是佛教生活严重的障碍。甚至可以说在中国的佛教中，印度、西藏一系的二分法——「女性智慧、男性慈悲」，正好倒转过来——「男性智慧、女性慈悲」，而「女性慈悲」的观点正好合乎中国女性主要的特质。在印度，观音是被描述成一个男性，而在中国，则是被描述成是雌雄同体，或是一个女性。(比如说在佛光山，观音像是放在比丘尼的宿舍，而文殊是放在比丘的宿舍。)

　　台湾女性出家人与西方妇女运动强调「自我理解」(self-awareness)及为两性平权而抗争的理念有所不同。她们的行动目标与女性主义者的行动与目标也没有多少交集。比丘尼们是为台湾社会整体的纯善而努力。除了争取女性获得更高教育权，以及让妇女充份发挥其潜能之外，她们并不特别突出女性的议题。到目前为止，除了释昭慧、释性广之外，还很少人称呼她们自己是「佛教的女性主义者」。

　　或许在不久的将来，当一九五○、六○、七○年代剃度的女性出家人不再活跃，目前年龄还在四十岁以下的女性出家人可能会较为紧密地与台湾的女性主义运动相结合。(现在，有一些比较年轻的比丘尼或sramanerika在大学修读女性研究的课程。)当然，这也要取决于台湾女性主义运动者如何定义她们自己及未来的方向。目前，我们可以看出，世界女性主义运动有两股主要的力量，一股是要求男女平权并淡化性别差异，强调一个普遍的「人类」通性。第二股是强调女性所谓自有的特质，像和谐、慈悲、无私、合作、沟通、关心他人，并希望在全世界推展这些特质于政治与社会事务上，以对抗男性所谓侵略的、疏离的、竞争的、缺乏沟通的特质。

　　所以，一切取决于「女性主义」的定义。像慈济功德会宣扬女性特质，强调女性等于「母亲」，强调自我牺牲、无限耐心、对他人的慈悲等，她们的主张可以被看成保守、反动，但也可以看成是一种进步，因为慈济功德会把原来带有私性的女性特质带入公共领域，不但为原先沈默的女性带来了活动的能量，同时也改变了现代公民社会中两性的心态与行动。

　　结 论

　　目前为止，我还无法非常清楚地定义civil society一词，它被译成「民间社会」、「市民社会」或「公民社会」。「公民社会」这个译法比较符合这个名词在西方的定义，那是指「一个个人自由活动的领域，这个领域独立于国家与家族关系或封建纽带的藩篱」，这个领域包括中产阶级以及私人的自发性组织。[11]「公民社会在社会与国家之间扮演了一种联系与媒介的功能，通常提供一种抗衡国家的力量」[12]。关于「公民社会」的争论非常多，人们争论「公民社会」究竟是不是十八、十九世纪的欧洲、以及后共产时代东欧与苏联特有的现象，或是所有民主社会所共同拥有的特质。中国历史上是否曾经出现过「公民社会」？台湾是不是已经有了所谓的「公民社会」？

　　罗伯特．威勒(Robert Weller)认为台湾的妇女以及佛教在型塑公民社会的过程扮演了积极的角色，这一番评论对我的讨论有所帮助。他说在台湾出现的是另一种形式的公民社会。「公民社会通常被与个人的自发的选择联结起来，而不谈(公民社会)与某种传统社群纽带的关系」(页139)，但是，在台湾，虽然也受到西方潮流的影响，实际上是建构了一个由宗教、亲族、政治派别形塑的一种「在地的社会资本」(页140)。他认为女性对台湾的「公民社会」的形成有很大的贡献。他说「(她们)持续不断地在非正式的部门扮演领导性角色，把地方组织推到全国，创造了政治变革的潜力」。威勒强调，「大陆或台湾的宗教发展都出现了一个特色，那就是女性扮演了公共性的角色」。虽然并不是所有的宗教团体或寺院都像公民性组织(civil organization)那样运作，但威勒相信一些新的佛教团体确实是公民性组织，因为「它们将道德价值普遍化，形塑了不再受地缘限制的新社群」。(页 88, 93, 140)

　　最后，到底台湾的佛教团体与Thich Nhat Hanh等人所领导的Engaged Buddhism，这个佛教运动是在一九六○年代起源于越南，深受太虚与印顺的启发。把它的越南名字nhap gian phat giao译成中文便是「人间佛教」 )有何关系？那是值得进一步探讨的课题。

　　(本文作者戴爱莲教授〔Prof. Elise Anne DeVido〕为台湾师范大学历史系副教授)

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　　[9] Before 1986, all religious groups had to register as lawful organizations with the Ministry of the Interior (MOI), while each year the number of fully-ordained nuns and monks was registered with the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China, BAROC. After 1986, monasteries holding annual ordinations were no longer required to register with BAROC, although most do. Also, the MOI's statistics are vague and may not distinguish Buddhism from popular religion, etc.

　　[10] I interviewed Master Wu Yin, head of the Luminary Buddhist Seminary in Jiayi; Ven. Ming Jia of Jiayi; their disciples; Ven. Heng Ching of National Taiwan University; Ven. Jien Shen of Hsuan Chuang University; Ven. Shan Hui of Chien Kuang Temple; Vens. Guang Guo and Xian Yue of Ling Jiu Shan Monastery; Prof. Jiang Canteng; Prof. Lu Hwei-syin; and Professor Li Yuchen. Many thanks to Dr. Dominique Tyl of Fu Jen University's Socio-Cultural Research Center who carried out a phone survey of Taipei Buddhist temples.

　　[11] Robert P. Weller, Alternate Civilities: Democracy and Culture in China and Taiwan, (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1999), p. 14.

　　[12] Timothy Brook and B. Michael Frolic, eds, Civil Society in China, (NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1997), p. 9.

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